As nationalist parties grow and pose an increasing threat at the ballot box, the State deploys various tactics to disrupt their growth, something which I wrote about in a previous article. One of the far more effective tactics that the establishment uses is the creation of fake nationalist parties, offering a watered-down, more “palatable” platform than the hardline ethnonationalists that are easier for the public to get behind, are usually given far more publicity, and thus, legitimacy, and as such, take the wind out of the sails of those who are actually trying to replace the status quo, rather than just maintain it for a few extra decades.
The UKIP safety valve
The British National Party was founded in 1982 by John Tyndall, following a falling out with Martin Webster in the National Front. The NF, once a hugely powerful force in Britain, and with offshoots in Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, as well as ties to various Ulster loyalist organisations, had gone into decline following Thatcher’s election. The BNP was founded with former members of the NF, New NF, British Movement, BDP, and Nationalist Party. In its early years, the BNP had very little electoral success, focusing more on street marches like its predecessor. It wasn’t until 1993 that the BNP made any electoral gains, with the election of Derek Beackon as a councillor in Millwall.
Following a leadership struggle, Tyndall was replaced by Nick Griffin in 1999, who sought to modernise and mainstream the party, ousting many hardliners. While Tyndall had campaigned for Rudolf Hess and formed links with George Lincoln Rockwell’s World Union of National Socialists and William Luther Pierce’s National Alliance, Griffin attempted to model the BNP off prominent parties on the continent like Jean Marie Le Pen’s FN and Jörg Haider’s FPÖ.
Griffin, convinced that a combination of Peak Oil, economic recession and mass third world immigration into Britain would lead to a BNP government being elected by 2040, shifted the party towards local campaigns and electioneering. The party began to rise significantly during the 2000s, thanks to its local activists, attaining significant levels of support in northern towns like Oldham and Burnley (as Steve Smith documented in his book “How It Was Done”) and also Barking and Dagenham, with hundreds of thousands of votes at local and European elections and gaining numerous councillors in these areas, as well as 800,000 votes at the 2004 European election.
Griffin, Mark Collett and John Tyndall were arrested and tried for hate speech from 2004-2006 (although Tyndall died of heart failure in July 2005), after speeches they delivered to BNP meetings were secretly recorded for a BBC documentary called “The Secret Agent”, but they were found unanimously not guilty in Leeds Crown Court. Following this, the party only continued to grow, with a member of the GLA elected in 2008 (Richard Barnbrook), and then two MEPs in 2009 (Nick Griffin and Andrew Brons).
Destruction of the BNP
The establishment pulled every tactic in the book to disrupt the rise of the BNP, including throwing the usual smears at the party (racist, fascist, Nazi etc), using their proxies like the ANL and UAF to cause violence, infiltrating the party with various moles and informants from Searchlight and Hope not Hate such as Ray Hill and Matthew Collins, causing disruption with false flag provocateur groups like the Special Branch op Combat 18, attempting to buy off the leadership in 2007, and of course, lawfare and court cases, all of which caused damage to the party, but there were two factors that destroyed it in the end; Griffin’s increasingly polarising leadership and the promotion of UKIP.
In the early 2010s, there was an obscene level of promotion of Nigel Farage and the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). Farage was a frequent guest on Question Time, talk shows, news segments and even made appearances on panel and comedy shows. Strange to see the ultra-liberal, ultra-woke BBC promoting “a far-right, racist bigot”.
And it began to bear results. Following Griffin’s disastrous appearance on Question Time in October of 2009, the dismal result at the 2010 general election, combined with the membership court case debacle, Marmite lawsuit, and allegations of financial impropriety, the BNP entered a terminal decline, as party members became increasingly disillusioned with Griffin’s grip on the BNP, while the voters shifted to UKIP.
The party splintered in different directions, with Mark Cotterill, formerly head of the American Friends of the BNP, breaking in 2004 to form the England First Party; Eddy Butler, the former BNP Elections Officer, and Mark Collett, former Young BNP leader and head of publicity, joining Robin Tilbrook’s England Democrats; Arthur Kemp, the party’s foreign affairs spokesman and author of “March of the Titans” resigning in 2011; and Andrew Brons, the other BNP MEP, who failed to unseat Griffin in 2011, left the party in 2012 and formed the British Democratic Party in 2013 with other ex-BNP members including James Lewthwaite, John Bean, Derek Beackon, and David Furness. Many members had already left in years prior to form other parties, ranging from the libertarian Freedom Party to the neo-Nazi British People’s Party (the 2005-2013 iteration). The disastrous 2014 EU election results were the final nail in the coffin for the BNP, and Griffin was eventually ousted as leader that October.
Meanwhile, the BNP’s fall seemed to coincide with UKIP’s explosion in popularity, with the party winning the 2014 EU election with over 4 million votes and MEPs elected to every region of the country, including Scotland. At the 2015 General Election, the party scored 3.8 million votes, although failed to gain any MPs here (UKIP’s only ever MPs were Tory defectors Douglas Carswell and Mark Reckless). And of course, the electoral successes of UKIP were what pressured David Cameron to call the 2016 EU referendum that led to Brexit. Ultimately, you have the BNP to thank for that.
UKIP: A victim of its own success
However, many of these voters failed to realise something about UKIP; it was not a real nationalist party, but instead, a Thatcherite free market capitalist party. Farage shifted the immigration dialogue towards ending immigration from the EU so that it could instead be replaced by third world migrants from the Commonwealth, and the unelected bureaucrats of the European Commission were framed as the sole enemy, rather than the international banksters. Farage would also later brag about his role destroying the BNP. UKIP also forced out Godfrey Bloom in 2013 over several non-PC statements, although I wonder if it might have had something to do with his criticism of fractional reserve banking.
And from 2016 onwards, UKIP, having framed itself largely as a single-issue party (Euroscepticism), found itself largely irrelevant, and after Farage’s resignation, it collapsed. Following a series of bland, uninspiring leaders like Paul Nuttall and Henry Bolton, while shunning the leadership campaign attempts from anti-Islam Anne Marie Waters and the traditionalist David Kurten in September 2017, UKIP eventually elected Gerard Batten as its leader in April 2018.
Batten seemed promising, with clear intentions of shifting the party in a right-wing, anti-immigration, anti-Islam direction, including attempting to allow Tommy Robinson to join, much to Farage’s chagrin. Many of the Faragists and establishment types within UKIP then jumped ship to Farage and Richard Tice’s new outfit, the Brexit Party (now Reform UK).
Batten was clearly beginning to transform UKIP into a populist party, in line with growing parties like the National Rally in France, the AfD in Germany, Lega Nord in Italy, Santiago Abascal’s Vox in Spain, the Sweden Democrats and the Danish New Right. Something that Britain was very much lacking, and the obvious direction for UKIP post-Brexit and it was popular, as UKIP enjoyed a huge growth in members and polling. However, the appointment of Carl Benjamin (AKA Sargon of Akkad), who turned his MEP run into a circus show based around several silly YouTube jokes, damaged the party, and it suffered dismal results at the 2019 EU election, losing all of its MEP seats, while Farage’s heavily promoted Brexit Party won the election outright.
A big issue plaguing UKIP was the grip of its National Executive Committee (NEC), which seemed hellbent on maintaining its status as a stale, free market libertarian party. The NEC not only prevented Batten from standing for re-election as party leader, but also machinated to force the winner of the next leadership contest, Richard Braine, to resign, after only three and a half months. Braine was also keen on shifting UKIP in a more populist direction, which the NEC clearly could not allow. Today, UKIP is a “zombie party”, having lost its remaining prominent members like Mike Hookem, Stuart Agnew, Roger Helmer and Janice Atkinson. Even Katie Hopkins joining the party last year couldn’t save it.
Lessons to be learned
This was a brief history on how the British establishment conned the public into voting for a milquetoast safety valve option over a genuine nationalist alternative twice. This tactic has also been played in other countries. I was recently reading about how a similar trick was conducted in Australia, whereby the pro-White Australia First Party (AFP) lost its only elected representative due to the media promotion of a Farage/UKIP-style movement in Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party. It is clear how this meticulous trick is played on the public, but it is also clear how this can be avoided in future; never settle for dog-whistles and vague promises. Only explicit ethnonationalism and a genuine advocacy for the interests of our people will suffice.